Oh Canada.

The Canadian Housing Bubble is going to be one of the last to burst, along with China, Australia, and Singapore.

Most Canadians, of course, believe that they are different because they have more sound lending practices than we Americans. They may, but that doesn’t mean they don’t also have a bubble. They aren’t different, just late to the party.

This is the best graph I’ve seen about the Canadian Housing Bubble. And, no…boat money from Asia isn’t enough to justify this.

Hat Tip: Vancouver Real Estate Anecdote Archive

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Should we just let house prices fall?

Low home prices are great for buyers, great for mobility, and great for the economy because we’d all have more money to save or spend on things beyond mortgage interest.

The transition from high prices to affordable prices has been horrendously painful, but necessary. Simply put, we have to go through it to get through it and come out on the other side.

So far, politicians have tried to preserve the status quo of high debt, high home prices, and lots of government involvement, because they think it’s what we want. They think it’s what will get them re-elected.

Today, they may be right. But patience is wearing thin.

Consider The Politics of High House Prices

Maybe that’s how all of this will end. Maybe, eventually, enough of us will get mad enough and tired enough and simply demand that the charade ends so that we can get on with out lives. Eventually protests could turn to riots as social acrimony spreads and perhaps at some point our politicians may get it:

It’s not high home prices that will get them re-elected, it’s that light-at-the-end-of-the-tunnel – the mass optimism that things will get better.

And right now, that light is pretty dim.

Only hours after I wrote that, Tom Petruno wrote in the Los Angeles Times Time to Let House Prices Fall?

Reports this week on home purchases in July were beyond dismal. Sales of existing homes tumbled 27% from June and 25% from a year earlier. New-home sales slumped to an annualized rate of just 276,000 units, down 32% from July 2009 and the lowest since at least the early 1960s.

Some of the fall-off undoubtedly reflected the spring expiration of the latest federal housing gimmick — tax credits of $8,000 for first-time buyers who met certain income requirements, and $6,500 for repeat buyers.

But it can’t be a coincidence that the summer plunge in housing demand occurred as faith in the year-old economic recovery continued to wane.

“It’s not a housing issue anymore — it’s an overall economic issue,” said David Crowe, chief economist for the National Assn. of Home Builders.

Historically, housing has led the way in recoveries. “But this is a case where housing is going to follow the economy, not lead it,” Crowe said.

Absolutely. When the tech-bubble burst, the housing boom pulled us out of the recession. It put people back to work and created wealth.

No matter how much money Uncle Sam throws at it, housing won’t pull us out of recession this time around.

Dean Baker, co-director of the Center for Economic Policy and Research in Washington, believes home prices still are overvalued by 15% to 20% in many areas.

For government to stand in the way of a further price decline is unfair to the next generation of buyers, he said. “The people who get hurt the most are those who are overpaying for houses today,” he said.

Robert Shiller, co-creator of the S&P/Case-Shiller price indexes, said that although he doesn’t forecast prices, “I think the scenario of declining home prices for years to come is underemphasized by people.”

That’s an argument for allowing the housing market to hit bottom sooner, so that a genuine recovery also can begin sooner.

The risk is that another downward spiral in home prices would feed a deflationary mind-set, meaning the sense that prices for all sorts of goods, services and assets can only go lower. That could cause many consumers to severely rein in spending, leading to another recession, or worse.

But a new decline in home values also could force the banking system, and the government, to finally deal realistically with a root cause of the economy’s woes: the gigantic debt load consumers took on over the last two decades.

This is exactly how the government is confusing the cure with the disease. Excessive debt is the root disease, and yet the only “solutions” they’ve come up with so far are encouraging us to borrow more money.

If the problem is debt, then the real solution must be the destruction of debt. That means foreclosures, bankruptcies, and lower home prices.

Regarding all of the stimulus and bailouts:

All of these ideas, however, are bailouts of one sort or another. “There is no ‘fair’ answer here,” Green concedes.

Well, there is one: Leave housing to market forces, let prices fall until buyers are motivated to come in, and hope that the economy can stand one final cathartic wave to clear the excesses of the bubble.

That one final, cathartic wave would be awfully painful. But, we would get through it. And, once we’ve hit bottom, there’s no where to go but up!

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Does this chart mean a lot more REOs are coming?

If the great backlog of foreclosures was about to start hitting the market, wouldn’t we see a chart like this first?

Shadow Inventory Anout to Hit?

LPS is showing a huge spike in 6+ months-delinquent foreclosures, as all of the HAMP rejects get back in line for the courthouse steps. Combine this with the fact that Fannie and Freddie NOD action has also been higher for the last couple of months and maybe we’re on to something here…

Don’t get too excited yet, homebuyers. There will no doubt be more Government “extend and pretend” tinkering before many of these homes actually hit the market for sale.

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Schwarzenegger Gets Tough On His Way Out The Door

Governor Schwarzenegger finally flexed his fiscal muscles, demanding drastic reform to California’s public pension system. But, as a lame-duck, his threats are meaningless. His efforts, too little, too late.

Schwarzenegger writes Public Pensions and Our Fiscal Future

[schwarzenegger]

As former Speaker of the State Assembly and San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown pointed out earlier this year in the San Francisco Chronicle, roughly 80 cents of every government dollar in California goes to employee compensation and benefits. Those costs have been rising fast. Spending on California’s state employees over the past decade rose at nearly three times the rate our revenues grew, crowding out programs of great importance to our citizens. Neglected priorities include higher education, environmental protection, parks and recreation, and more.

Much bigger increases in employee costs are on the horizon. Thanks to huge unfunded pension and retirement health-care promises granted by past governments, and also to deceptive pension-fund accounting that understated liabilities and overstated future investment returns, California is now saddled with $550 billion of retirement debt.

The cost of servicing that debt has grown at a rate of more than 15% annually over the last decade. This year, retirement benefits—more than $6 billion—will exceed what the state is spending on higher education. Next year, retirement costs will rise another 15%. In fact, they are destined to grow so much faster than state revenues that they threaten to suck up the money for every other program in the state budget.

Few Californians in the private sector have $1 million in savings, but that’s effectively the retirement account they guarantee to public employees who opt to retire at age 55 and are entitled to a monthly, inflation-protected check of $3,000 for the rest of their lives.

In 2003, just before I became governor, the state assembly even passed a law permitting government employees to purchase additional taxpayer-guaranteed, high-yielding retirement annuities at a discount—adding even more retirement debt. It’s as if Sacramento legislators don’t want a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, but a government of the employees, by the employees, and for the employees.

For years I’ve asked state legislators to stop adding to retirement debt. They have refused. Now the Democratic leadership of the assembly proposes to raise the tax and debt burdens on private employees in order to cover rising public-employee compensation.

But what will they do next year when those compensation costs grow 15% more? And the year after that when they’ve risen again? And 10 years from now, when retirement costs have reached nearly $30 billion per year? That’s where government-employee retirement costs are headed even with the pension reforms I’m demanding. Imagine where they’re headed without reform.

Much needs to be done. The Assembly needs to reverse the massive and retroactive increase in pension formulas it enacted 11 years ago. It also needs to prohibit “spiking”—giving someone a big raise in his last year of work so his pension is boosted. Government employees must be required to increase their contributions to pensions. Public pension funds must make truthful financial disclosures to the public as to the size of their liabilities, and they must use reasonable projected rates of returns on their investments. The legislature could pass those reforms in five minutes, the same amount of time it took them to pass that massive pension boost 11 years ago that adds additional costs every single day they refuse to act.

And after they’ve finished passing those reforms, they could take another five minutes to pass legislation terminating the annuity give-away they passed in 2003 and ending the immoral practice of pension fund board members accepting gifts or even campaign contributions from lobbyists, salesmen, unions and other special interests.

Reforming government employee compensation and benefits won’t close this year’s deficit. It will, however, protect the next generation of Californians from overwhelming burdens. The same is true with respect to the other reform I’m demanding—the establishment of a rainy-day fund so that legislators can’t spend temporary revenue windfalls.

All of these reforms must be in place before I will sign a budget.

Look carefully at the blue lines on that graphic. We’ve known about this problem for years! Where was this toughness in 2007, 2008, and 2009?

And will the next Governor have the courage to fight for reform?

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